150 years ago the British North America Act made Canada a self-governing Dominion. There was a big celebration in Ottawa in 1867, and there was a big celebration in Ottawa in 2017. By the Good Fates I was born in Canada. I didn’t earn the privilege, but I do what I can to live up to it. I have lived in England and in Ukraine, worked all over the United States, and visited 38 other countries. Canada … my Canada … is the greatest country in the world.
The Toronto Jazz Festival is being held at venues in Yorkville, and I’m hearing some wonderful music. Friday night, after work, I took in the Humber Student Ensemble on the Cumberland Street stage. These recent grads and students of Humber’s jazz program played a selection of standards: Miles Davis, Herbie Hancock, Errol Garner, Ray Noble, etc.. This is the kind of jazz I like. Doing a great job were Matt Lagan on sax, Chris Tufaro on piano, Julien Bradley-Combs on guitar, Emily Steinwall on sax, and Erik Larson on bass.
The Dave Young/Terry Promane Octet played on a stage on Yorkville Street on Saturday. This combo is a who’s who of Canadian jazz greats … veterans of the late Rob McConnell and his bands (the Boss Brass, the Tentet). Dave Young is playing bass, and Terry Promane is the horn player wearing sunglasses. They play the “Toronto sound” which is a blend of tight arrangements and virtuoso musicianship. Also in the Dave Young/Terry Promane Octet are Kevin Turcotte (trumpet/flugelhorn), Vern Dorge (alto saxophone), Mike Murley (tenor saxophone), Perry White (baritone saxophone), Gary Williamson (piano) and Terry Clarke (drums).
The Ukrainian-Canadian Professional and Business Association, Ottawa branch, held a Canada-Ukraine Free Trade Agreement Forum in Ottawa on June 10. Speakers at the forum were Michael MacKay (me) and Michael Kostiuk, pictured, as well as Ron Sorobey.
Here are notes from my presentation:
Canadians and Ukrainians can learn from the successes and failures of the first initiatives to advance civil society in Ukraine, after the resumption of Ukraine’s independence in 1991. Partners in Progress and the Canada-Ukraine Partners Project were Government of Canada initiatives which got started in 1992 and wound down in 1996. They placed Canadian volunteers with Ukrainian partners for projects in support of civil society. I was one of these volunteers, and my project partner was the University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy (UKMA). The goal of my project was to help UKMA achieve its foundational purpose: to become a self-governing academic institution and a peer to Western universities. Hundreds of Canadian volunteers fanned out across Ukraine, supported with small grants, in what was a period of excited enthusiasm for Ukraine free of the Soviet yoke.
The successes of Partners in Progress and the Canada-Ukraine Partners Project came from direct person-to-person interactions. Canadians extended their connections to Ukraine beyond what they had been, which were strictly family ties. Cultural ties were strengthened in the civil society space that lies between the family and the state. Ukrainians saw real civil society activism, and home-grown initiatives took off. Volunteerism broke free of its Soviet slave labour past. From the Canadians came an impetus for successes in Ukraine like professional associations, environmental groups, election monitoring organizations, and others.
The failure of these initiatives on the Canadian side was that they did not change Canada’s institutional, bureaucratic approach to foreign aid and emphasis on “development.” Canada did not come to treat Ukraine as a peer, and still does not. What the Canadian volunteers and their Ukrainian partners were doing did not stop what was really happening in Ukraine, which was a shift from statist authoritarianism to a hyper-inflationary kleptocracy. The power that civil society exerts on government and business remained something that existed in Canada, but not in Ukraine. Privatization was dishonest, the wealth of the nation was destroyed, and Russian imperialism kept its dead hand on the lives of Ukrainians.
Civil society is the foundation of the rule of law and the enforcement of contracts. It is essential to doing business in a fair market. The rise of the oligarchs in the 1990s in Ukraine and the re-theft of property that ensued, meant that honest business was impossible. Free trade was a dead issue in the 1990s and 2000s. It took the “Maidans” of 2004 and of 2013-14 for civil society in Ukraine to exert some power, and to make a free trade agreement between Canada and Ukraine possible.
The decommunization law which should have been passed in 1992 was passed in 2015, and is a great leap forward. This law is as essential to post-Soviet Ukraine as denazification laws were to post-Nazi Germany.
The challenge that lies ahead is that the Canada-Ukraine Free Trade Agreement is only a traditional deal eliminating tariffs on most goods and services. It needs to be “deep and comprehensive” like the combination of the EU-Ukraine DCFTA plus the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement to really make a difference to Canadians and Ukrainians.
Canada does not have visa-free reciprocity with Ukraine but the EU does; until Canadians meet Ukrainians in Canada as true peers there will be no trade boom coming from the Canada-Ukraine FTA. Ukrainians can travel without visas to all the countries in the EU Schengen Zone and to EFTA countries, but not to Canada. The Government of Canada disgraces itself and embarrasses Canadians by keeping up senseless and cruel barriers to Ukrainians.
Lustration in Ukraine has not reached the judiciary. Until corrupt judges are rooted out, there can be no confidence in the enforcement of contracts. Starting with Partners in Progress and the Canada-Ukraine Partners Project, Canada has had mentorship programs with Ukrainian judges. These need to become less polite, advisory, and “Canadian” and much more intimately tied to lustration and to the drive to eliminate corruption. Canada has been helping Ukraine transition from Soviet-style militia to Western-style police for law enforcement, but without honest judges in place all this effort will be for nought.
The IMF has pushed for an end to the moratorium on land sales. Honest enjoyment of property rights rests on clear and unambiguous title to land. You can only sell land if you truly own it. Theft of land in the Soviet period (collectivization) and theft of land in the oligarch period (1992 to EuroMaidan) means that land ownership is mostly illegitimate in Ukraine. Ukraine needs to extend decommunization to land ownership, and implement restoration and restitution to the original owners and to their heirs. The Baltic countries of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania have done this successfully. The laws of the Soviet Union, forced on Ukraine, are illegitimate on their face, and that applies to laws about land ownership, possession and use. After EuroMaidan, Ukraine is understanding itself as a country having recovered independence, from the 1918-1921 Republic, and not as having gained newly-found independence in 1991. The Soviet/Russian period was an interregnum. Land ownership and the enjoyment of property rights will only be on a firm foundation when it is tied to decommunization.
Canada has been fortunate to inherit political structures from Great Britain with a minimum of political violence. Ukraine has suffered appalling political violence from Russia. Ukrainians have to reach back further for examples of successful civil society, independence, and honest trade: to Kyivan Rus’, to the viche direct democratic assemblies, to the Ukrainian People’s Republic, to the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. Canada has had time to mature into an advanced democracy, not having suffered invasion since the Fenian Raids and the Battle of Ridgeway in 1866. Ukraine has been re-invaded by Russia starting in 2014. Ukrainians have the burden of defeating foreign invaders from Muscovy at the same time they’re establishing free trade with peer democracies like Canada.
There is formal free trade between Canada and Ukraine: the removal of tariffs and regulatory barriers. But peerage as nations and as peoples demands much, much more. We need to start by understanding that in this relationship Canada is the “Old Country” and Ukraine is the “Young Turk.”
For us Canadians, we have to keep supporting civil society and the rule of law in Ukraine, and we have to help liberate the occupied territories in Crimea and Donbas. It is incumbent on every Western nation, led in the vanguard by Ukraine, to defeat Russia. Only then will we have real free trade.
Doors Open in Ottawa gets bigger and more popular every year, and it’s a challenge to visit new buildings and not wrestle with big crowds and long queues. Parks Canada opened the doors of its storage facility on Sheffield Road, a warehouse filled with exhibits and reproductions from historic sites. Here’s a table with an interesting sample of items: a rejected version of the Canadian flag, a pair of skates, a jacket from the destroyer HMCS Haida, and memorabilia related to Dr. Norman Bethune.
The Canada Aviation and Space Museum is at the old RCAF Station Rockcliffe, and for Doors Open Ottawa the museum opened its reserve hangar. Inside are aircraft that are undergoing restoration or that just won’t fit into the limited space of the main exhibit hall. This is a MiG 21 fighter that was built in the Soviet Union and flown by the Czechoslovak Air Force. After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Warsaw Pact, this airframe was acquired by the Canadian Armed Forces and came into the possession of the Aviation Museum.
Stadacona Hall in Sandy Hill was built in 1871 for lumber baron John A. Cameron. Canada’s first prime minister, Sir John A. Macdonald, lived here, and Lady Agnes Macdonald was famous for keeping peacocks on the grounds. Today, the mansion houses The High Commission of Brunei Darussalam in Canada.
The former Bank of Montreal building on the O’Connor Street block between Sparks Street and Wellington Street has been closed and under renovations for as long as I can remember. At last it’s open, as a House of Commons meeting or reception hall. First opened in 1932, the renovation kept the architectural features of the great banking hall.
The former Metropolitan Life Insurance Company building on the same block has also undergone extensive, years-long renovations. Built between 1924 and 1927 in the Beaux-Arts style, original features that were kept were the building’s facade and the entrance hall off of Wellington Street that has an elaborate mosaic in the vaulted ceiling. The praise of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company was over-the-top: speaking of the Great Metropolitan Mother the mosaic proclaims: “Death and Disease Give Way Before Her.” Wow.
This is me in the chair’s seat in a high-tech committee room. This can be said to be my proper and natural habitat. I’m not wearing a suit and tie, but I am wearing my Canada 150 t-shirt. 2017 is the sesquicentennial of the signing of the British North American Act and of Canada as a self-governing Dominion.
Finally, this is a view of the West Block of the Parliament Buildings, taken through a window of the Wellington Building. The Gothic Revival architecture of the Parliament Hill precinct in Canada’s capital is absolutely magnificent.
The Capital Grannies are the Ottawa branch of the Grandmothers to Grandmothers Campaign, an initiative of the Stephen Lewis Foundation. They raise funds to support grandmothers in Africa, raising their grandchildren who are orphaned by the deadly epidemic of HIV/AIDS. Over 300 projects in sub-Saharan Africa get support, and they’re all of the ground-level, micro-finance kind.
The 10th annual golf tournament, with a dinner, was held at Metcalfe Golf Club today as a fundraising effort by the Capital Grannies. I went with my parents, who are long-time supporters of the Stephen Lewis Foundation. The photo is me at the tee on the 8th hole. It’s a par 3, and you’re looking at my follow-through on a nice drive that put me on the green. The golf was fun, the dinner was superb, and the Capital Grannies raised a sizable amount of money that will be spent in Africa in a way that will do some real good. Find out more about The Stephen Lewis Foundation.
The Soviet Union invaded Poland on 17 September 1939. My uncle and aunts and cousins on my mother’s side were living in Lwów voivodeship in what was then eastern Poland. The Red Army seized the territory, and Stalin annexed it to the USSR. My grandfather, Michael Taras, had emigrated to Canada in 1928, and he lost contact with his one brother and four sisters the moment Stalin’s army invaded. I found out what happened to them 75 years later.
The story of my great-uncle Vasyl Taras in World War II is remarkable. He had a wife and four young children when the war began in 1939. His two oldest boys, Volodymyr and Olexandr, were both killed in World War II. I have not learned any more information about them than that. It is unbearably sad to think about how very young these boys had to have been when they died. Vasyl Taras was conscripted into the Red Army in 1940, and he was 34 years old when Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union in 1941.
In 1941, Vasyl Taras was caught in one of the great encirclements where the Germans captured many soldiers of the Red Army. He was sent to a German concentration camp. Vasyl escaped from the camp, but when he made it back to the Soviet lines he was arrested by the NKVD, the Soviet secret police, and sent to prison by them. His crime, in the eyes of the Russians, was that he had been captured and that he was Ukrainian. Then, with the German advance, the NKVD prison where Vasyl was held was overrun, and he was free again. But when the Germans found out he was an escaped prisoner from one of their concentration camps, they sent him back again, but this time to a camp with a stricter regime.
Nevertheless, Vasyl broke out of this camp, and escaped from the Germans a second time. He joined a group of Soviet partisans in the woods. When the Red Army started to push the Germans out of Galicia, the guerrilla group that Vasyl was with joined up with the regular troops. The NKVD was still distrustful of Vasyl, because he had been in a German concentration camp and was Ukrainian. He was sent to a special military unit that was given no weapons, and was made to assault the German positions unarmed, but with armed NKVD officers ready to shoot him if he did not move forward. During this attack, Vasyl Taras was lucky to have been wounded, not killed, and then sent to hospital. At the end of the war he was in Königsburg, East Prussia, which is today Kaliningrad, Russia.
After the war, Vasyl Taras returned to Staryi Yarychiv, his home village. Between 1939 and 1945, the foreign flags of Poland, the USSR, Nazi Germany, and once more the USSR had flown at Staryi Yarychiv. As a veteran, Vasyl Taras was made the chairman of the agricultural committee, out of which the collective farms in Yarychiv were formed. These collective farms were made up of land that was stolen from my family by the Soviets. Vasyl died in 1969 at the age of 62.
My great-uncle, Vasyl Taras, was made to fight under a foreign flag: the hammer and sickle flag of the Russian invaders and occupiers of Ukraine. He was awarded many medals, as Stalin developed the “Great Patriotic War” selective memory cult about the war, which Russia re-wrote as happening from 1941 to 1945. Free, independent, and democratic Ukraine is today coming to terms with the real war, which is a war that lasted from 1939, when Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union invaded Poland, to the mid-1950s, when the last units of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army were defeated by the foreign invaders and occupiers from Muscovy.
From late November 2013 to late February 2014, Ukrainians took to the streets in a massive popular uprising that started off being called EuroMaidan and ended up being called the Revolution of Dignity. At first, the protests consisted mostly of students, who were against then-President Viktor Yanukovych’s sudden decision to withdraw from the European Union-Ukraine Association Agreement. Security forces loyal to Yanukovych attacked the peaceful protestors in the central square of Kyiv, Maidan Nezalezhnosti, on the night of 30 November 2013. This prompted the first of several demonstrations that had over a million people standing, singing, and chanting against Yanukovych, and occupying the square for the sake of a free Ukraine. The protest movement evolved into a wider protest against the corruption of the Yanukovych regime and the oligarchs, and for a “normal life” for Ukrainians and future generations.
Yanukovych regime forces began killing Maidan protesters on 22 January 2014, starting by beating them to death and ending with snipers shooting them to death, especially on 20 February 2014. By the time Yanukovych fled from his Versailles-like palace at Mezhyhirya in Kyiv on the night of 21 February 2014, his Berkut riot police plus Russian snipers sent by Putin had killed nearly 130 people. Those killed during the Revolution of Dignity were immediately called the Heavenly Hundred (Небесна Сотня) and are revered as heroes of Ukraine.
Three years later, the wounds are still fresh. A small chapel has been built, up the hill from Maidan Nezalezhnosti on Institutskaya Street. This is where many of the Heavenly Hundred were shot on 20 February 2014. Alongside the established memorials there are numerous informal, spontaneous memorials to the people who were murdered. Relatives, friends, comrades from Maidan days, and many Ukrainians come to this terrible spot, to remember the patriotism and bravery of people who — just like them — only wanted to live a normal life.
This poster is on Maidan Nezalezhnosti in Kyiv, produced by the Ukrainian Institute for National Memory. It is one of a series of panels entitled “Soldiers: History of the Ukrainian Army.” This one is Volunteer battalion soldier, 2014-2016. Ukrainian patriots – some who had already spent months on Maidan confronting the corrupt Yanukovych regime – joined the volunteer battalions which formed immediately after Russia invaded Ukraine in late February 2014. The “sotnyas” of Maidan became the vanguard of Ukraine’s defence of Europe from Russian aggression.
Translation of poster text: The victory of the Revolution of Dignity at the end of February, 2014 put an end to the hope of Russian Federation leaders to hold Ukraine in the sphere of its geopolitical influence with the help of pro-Russian leadership in power. That’s why they took efforts to overthrow or weaken the position of the new Ukrainian power by destabilizing the situation in some parts of Ukraine. In Crimea, the rise of the pro-Russian separatist forces was strengthened with direct military intervention by the neighbouring state. This process ended in occupation and annexation of the Ukrainian peninsula by Russia. In other parts of Ukraine, except Donetsk and Luhansk regions, the attempts to seize power by pro-Russian forces have failed.
In April 2014, a sabotage armed group arrived from the territory of the Russian Federation and took control of state institutions in the city of Slovyansk, Donetsk region. Soon after, militants took control of some more territories in eastern Ukraine. In response to that, the acting President of Ukraine Olexandr Turchynov signed an order to launch the Anti-Terrorist Operation (ATO) in eastern Ukraine.
The Armed Forces of Ukraine were very weakened due to lack of financing and positive reforms for many years, and turned out to be unable to quickly and effectively defend the state. At the initial state of the conflict, volunteer battalions were the first to stop the aggression. The core of those battalions were the former activists of the Revolution of Dignity and other patriots who reacted immediately to the aggression and hybrid war started by the leadership of Russia against Ukraine.
At the start of the conflict, the volunteer battalions did not belong to any state department or have any system of control. Some of them were formed as battalions of territorial defence (BoTD) of the Ministry of Defence, others were controlled by the Ministry of Internal Affairs as special militia battalions or units of the National Guard. There were also some volunteer units which were not subordinated to any law enforcement departments, changed departmental affiliation, or were grouped into formations with a different departmental affiliation. At the beginning of 2015, the majority of the volunteer battalions were formed into mechanized infantry battalions of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. In the course of their development some volunteer battalions were formed into regiments.
During 2014-2015 over 30 volunteer battalions were formed. The most well-known among them are “Donbas”, “Azov”, “Aidar”, “Dnipro-1”, Ukrainian Volunteer Corps “Right Sector”, “Crimea”. A lot of foreigners have been defending Ukraine as fighters in those battalions: Chechens, Georgians, Belarusians, Russians, etc.. At the start, the volunteer battalions were equipped with small arms and didn’t have uniforms. Only months after fighting on the frontlines did the battalions get heavy weapons and equipment.
The volunteer battalions played a crucial role in the first months of the ATO. Volunteers suffered heavy losses in the Battle of Ilovaisk in August 2014. They took part in all major battles in the first half of 2014, defended Donetsk Airport in 2014-2015, and they fought in the Battle of Debaltseve in the winter of 2015.
This poster is on Maidan Nezalezhnosti in Kyiv, produced by the Ukrainian Institute for National Memory. It is one of a series of panels entitled “Soldiers: History of the Ukrainian Army.” This one is Ukrainian Insurgent Army soldier, 1940-1950s. My mother’s first cousin, Teofil Adamovych, served in the Ukrainian Insurgent Army and fought the Soviet Russian occupiers of Ukraine until his arrest in 1955.
Translation of poster text: During World War II, most Ukrainians had to fight under the wrong banners and in the interests of others. Only the 100,000 fighters who were in the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UIA) were fighting for an independent Ukraine. Insurgent armed units were formed in 1942 to defend the local population from the occupation Nazi regime and to oppose Soviet partisans. At the end of that year they united into the Ukrainian Insurgent Army . The symbolic date of its creation was October 14, 1942.
The UIA was structured as a regular army. The flexible structure allowed for the effective distribution of human and financial resources, adapting to variable military realities, and to achieving success in military operations.
The sphere of UIA activities was divided into general military districts: UIA-“North”, UIA-“South” and UIA-“West”. Each of them had a regional leader and headquarters, and was divided into territorial military parts.
The main tactical unit of the UIA was “sotnyas”(companies). It comprised three “chotys” (platoons) which were formed by three squads. A squad had 10-12 fighters armed with one mortar, 2-3 automated machine guns and rifles.
The UIA had a functional system of command position designations (squad leader, platoon leader, company commander, kurin’ commander [a kurin’ is approximately a battalion], brigade commander or tactical sector commander, regional commander, Supreme Commander of the UIA).
One of the main problems the UIA high command had to face was a shortage of senior officer staff. Some training schools were opened secretly.
The armament level and military-political situation determined the means of UIA military activities: avoidance of general battles and partisan tactics, raids and sabotage actions. UIA activities were aimed at resolving a few tasks; supply themselves with all the necessary equipment to continue fighting and protect the locals from occupants.
A common misperception is that Odesa is a city of the Russian Empire: “founded by Catherine the Great” and all that. Odesans speak Russian, and this is confused with the country that today calls itself the Russian Federation. But this confusion is deliberate and malicious. In fact, Odesa is a Ukrainian city, a European city, and a multicultural city, and this has only been obscured by a couple of centuries of foreign occupation. “Treason” or “betrayal” is an apt term for the perversion of history and culture and language that was carried out by the Russian Empire and by Soviet Russia against Odesa. In Ukrainian the word is ЗРАДА, zrada. I’m sitting in front of a mural at the Museum of Modern Art of Odesa, and that is the word that is repeated along its border.
In the middle of the 19th century, Odesa was overwhelmingly Ukrainian. This census of 1851 shows that 69% of the residents of Odesa were Ukrainians (derogatively called “Little Russians” under foreign occupation by Muscovy). Russians were only the fifth most numerous ethnic group, after Ukrainians, Moldovans, Jews, and Germans. After 1991 independence but even more after the 2013-14 “EuroMaidan” events which became known as the Revolution of Dignity, Odesa is Ukraine. It is Ukrainian once more, and Ukrainian as always.